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Abī Yaʿqūb Esḥāq al-Warrāq al-Nadīm, wrongly but almost invariably called Ebn al-Nadīm (the correct form is simply al-Nadīm; see Ebn al-Nadim, tr. ʿAdī, the grammarian Abū Saʿīd Sīrāfī, the literary historian Abū ʿObayd-Allāh Marzobānī, and the logician and translator of philosophical books from Syriac into Arabic Ḥasan b. THE AUTHOR AND HIS WORK LIFE OF THE AUTHOR Abu’l-Faraj Moḥammad b. Hārūn Monajjem, the anthologist Abu’l-Faraj Eṣfahānī (q.v.), the Jacobite Christian philosopher Yaḥyā b. Some information about the sources of the may be extracted from the book itself. Flügel, ed., 2 vols., Leipzig, 1871-72 (published after Flügel’s death by J. Müller; the first volume contains the text, the second an extensive commentary and references); reprinted Cairo, 1348/1929; Cairo, ca. ) and Abarwēz; a ; a story about Dārā (see DĀRĀ[B] ii) and the golden idol; one about Bahrām (see BAHRĀM iii) and Narseh; and some of the titles already mentioned in the section on Ebn al-Moqaffaʿ. Of unique value, at least as long as the Coptic corpus remains unpublished, is the information on the letters of Mani and his students (tr. Apparently several such “catalogues” on specific topics or the works of individual authors had been in circulation prior to Ebn al-Nadīm. Under the following heading “books of the Indians about fables” etc., he again discusses ) have reworked this book in poetry and translated it into the Persian language in Arabic (script? It is remarkable that the topos of “Mani the Painter,” which in other Islamic accounts has almost replaced that of the founder of a religion, does not appear in the . also Stocks), with which one can now compare the fragments of a Manichean account (Sundermann, 1973, pp. People no longer need a personal handshake or face-to-face meeting.Social media sites have also grown in numbers by leaps and bounds.And, in this age of digitisation, people have found ways to be socially active on the internet, which is possible with the advent of the numerous social networking platforms and apps.
377/987-88) there were “hardly more than five” there (tr. It was easier for the author to report objectively, unpolemically, and to the best of his knowledge on a foreign, often persecuted, religion which had almost disappeared. one of the canonical texts of the Manicheans (the seventh in this list). Müller’s realization that an exact correspondence between the apocalyptic damnation of the sinners in the have directly referred to these texts as sources for his presentation? It is unlikely that he used additional Modern and Middle Persian and Aramaic texts. hagiographic homilies) or was relying on oral information. It is also asserted here that the Sogdian Manicheans were called “teacher, master” (Asmussen, p. The author seems to have used two sometimes contrary principles in the structuring of his description of Mani and his teachings: (1) the desire to present the material logically and coherently, (2) the preservation of traditional pieces. The description of Mani’s end and the final evaluation of his personality in the passage on the reprimands of the , pp. But, in fact, the two are to be separated (thus correctly tr. 794) and Mani’s end is to be connected rather with the presentation of Manichean eschatology. Ebn al-Nadīm gives three variants for the name of Mani’s mother (tr. It is possibly due to the sources available to Ebn al-Nadīm that the information on the larger, second part of Mani’s life becomes steadily scanter.
Schmidt, “Ein Mani-Fund in Ägypten,” , Darmstadt, 1977. Zieme, “Die türkischen Fragmente des ‘Sermons von der Seele’,” in Sundermann, 1997, pp. (Rudolf Sellheim and Mohsen Zakeri, François de Blois, Werner Sundermann) Originally Published: December 15, 1999 Last Updated: January 24, 2012 This article is available in print.